Saturday, 5 September 2026
Friday, 4 September 2026
Thursday, 3 September 2026
How the Galliano Show at the Met Fell Apart
How the
Galliano Show at the Met Fell Apart
Anna
Wintour put her full power and prestige behind a designer convicted of an
antisemitic hate crime. Behind the scenes, influential New Yorkers revolted.
By Jacob
BernsteinVanessa Friedman and Dana Rubinstein
Sept. 2,
2026
Updated
3:05 p.m. ET
https://www.nytimes.com/2026/09/02/style/john-galliano-met-exhibition-cancel-anna-wintour.html
Early
last month, Anna Wintour, the global editorial director of Vogue and powerful
Metropolitan Museum of Art trustee, reached out to Julie Menin, the daughter of
a Holocaust survivor and the first Jewish speaker of the New York City Council.
Over a
30-minute video call, Wintour tried to persuade Menin that honoring John
Galliano, the fashion designer convicted of an antisemitic hate crime, with a
solo exhibition in the Met’s Costume Institute was a good idea.
Galliano
is a creative genius, Wintour said, according to Menin. And he is contrite
about his previous rants against Jews — which included an exclamation of “I
love Hitler!” and a taunting of patrons at a bar that their forefathers would
all be “gassed.”
During
the call, Wintour, who rules over the fashion world and the Met Gala with
almost unquestioned authority, offered to have Galliano meet privately with
Menin. She also, according to Wintour’s spokeswoman, discussed possible ways to
mollify critics of the show, such as moving the date of the gala, changing its
focus and opening the exhibition early for Jewish leaders.
Menin
left the call feeling brushed off. Wintour had continued to exude confidence
that the exhibition would be a success.
On
Monday, that confidence collapsed, as the Met abruptly announced that the show
was off.
The
implosion of the most important event on the museum’s calendar, with its
star-studded extravaganza that draws luminaries from the worlds of
entertainment, art and industry and generates tens of millions of dollars each
year, was a striking stumble for the 76-year-old Wintour, who has personally
championed Galliano and prides herself on her unerring judgment and her astute
assessment of art and fashion.
Wintour’s
effort to elevate Galliano by bestowing on him the Costume Institute’s highest
honor — only two living fashion designers have previously been celebrated with
solo shows — touched off a tense drama that played out among New York’s
powerful and prominent as they scattered to their vacations during a typically
quiet stretch of August.
By
pushing ahead with the plan, Wintour and other Met leaders appeared to misread
some essential realities of the moment: The fashion world’s forgiving and
commercially driven values do not often reflect broader public sentiment. The
Met leaders, many of them non-Jewish, seemed out of touch with the raw feelings
of the city’s Jewish residents, who had witnessed searing incidents of
antisemitism over the summer. And even the extraordinary ability of Wintour to
sweep away scandal, criticism and controversies through sheer will and
decisiveness has its limits.
“It was a
perfect storm of unnecessary insensitivity,” said Rabbi David Ingber, senior
director of Jewish life and senior director of the Bronfman Center at the 92nd
Street Y.
In a
statement, a museum spokeswoman said of the Galliano show, “Like every Met
exhibition, it proceeded through the museum’s established processes of
curatorial development and institutional review, including with certain board
groups.
But the
blunder has touched off many hard questions about Wintour’s, and the Met’s,
judgment.
Said
Elisha Wiesel, chairman of the Elie Wiesel Foundation: “If praise for Hitler
and references to the gas chamber do not disqualify someone, where is the
line?”
Growing
Concerns
At first,
the museum’s leadership team seemed confident that the public would want to see
the exhibition, despite Galliano’s past misdeeds. Fifteen years had gone by
since he was found guilty by a French court of the hate crime.
After his
conviction, Galliano went into rehab and apologized for his remarks against
both Jews and Asians. He met with Jewish leaders and studied the history of
Judaism under rabbis. Wintour supported him when he was persona non grata, and
helped him become the creative director of a prestigious luxury brand, Maison
Margiela, where his tenure was widely applauded until his departure in 2024.
As far as
the fashion world was concerned, Galliano was back, reputation restored, and
the Met had good reason to believe the show celebrating the 65-year-old
designer would be a hit: Five of the 10 most-visited exhibitions in modern
museum history have been Costume Institute shows, and over the years, Wintour
has transformed the Met Gala from just another stuffy benefit into a spectacle
akin to the Super Bowl or the Oscars. Since 1999, when she took over the event,
it has brought in over $300 million for the Costume Institute, the Met’s
fashion wing, including a record $42 million in 2026. Overall, Wintour has
raised more than $500 million for the museum.
But even
in late July, after The New York Times broke the news of the planned Galliano
exhibition, there were early murmurs of opposition. Some of them emanated from
members of the nearly 100-person Met board, who had long tolerated Wintour’s
imperious manner, from her habit of wearing sunglasses at board meetings to her
neglecting to invite many of them to the gala. They had stayed quiet in the
past, even as they chafed at the increasingly carnival-like atmosphere she
created, from the arrival of the Kardashians at the gala to ever more
outrageous clothes on display.
Some
prominent Jews, meanwhile, were unsettled by the news, but worried that if they
spoke out, they would play into stereotypes.
“People
didn’t want to seem like they were complaining,” said Alice Tisch, whose
extended family has donated millions to the Met. “One of the trustees I talked
to said, ‘I think they’ll take it out more on the Jews.’”
As a
result, many people who disagreed with the plan hoped to work quietly toward a
resolution, especially as both Wintour and Galliano assured them Galliano’s
bigoted behavior was firmly in the past.
But then
doubts about that claim surfaced.
Early in
August, a Facebook post written by fashion publicist Lauren London began to
ricochet around industry circles about a more recent event allegedly involving
Galliano. London described an encounter she said she had with the designer in
2019 at the luxury Henri Chenot spa, an alcohol-free wellness retreat in Italy.
She wrote that her friend had been speaking in Hebrew on her cellphone, when
Galliano overheard her and began screaming, “Merry Christmas!”
“When my
friend asked him if he had a problem with Hebrew he promptly and very
unapologetically responded that he did,” London wrote in the post. “She then
told him that she had a lot of his clothes and when she got back to her home in
Israel she would dispose of them. He told her to please do.”
Still,
even as the Facebook post gained traction, allies of Wintour were unmoved.
“I have
no opinion about Facebook posts,” said Andrew Solomon, a member of the Met’s
executive committee who spoke to The Times after the post surfaced last month.
“I think they’re frequently made up, or exaggerated, or incoherent, and I have
no idea what the truth is or is not behind that.”
Galliano
later denied through a spokesman that the incident at the spa took place. But
London’s friend who made the call, and her daughter, backed up her account.
Around
the same time London wrote her post, Arne Glimcher, an art world titan, sent an
email to David Breslin, a Met curator, and Max Hollein, who as the Met’s
director had given final approval to the Galliano exhibition.
“I don’t
think you have considered the cost of this action and its reverberations to
come,” Glimcher wrote. He added that he and his wife were “seriously
reconsidering other works that have been earmarked from our collection to the
Met in our wills.”
It is not
clear how Hollein responded, but his ties to Wintour were deep. And, as far as
he understood, the museum had taken steps to head off just this kind of
negative reaction. In the spring, Wintour and Andrew Bolton, the curator in
charge of the Costume Institute, had arranged private meetings between Galliano
and Jewish leaders. Most of those leaders came away saying they found him
remorseful for his past actions. They were also assured that the exhibition
would deal frankly with his hateful statements.
The
Jewish leaders made their support public when the show was announced. But the
full board of the Met was never consulted, leaving many feeling that there had
not been sufficient deliberation about the appropriateness of the museum’s
choice.
“I
thought it was insane,” Tisch said.
Climate
of Fear
On Aug.
14, a man entered Central Synagogue in Manhattan and attacked a congregant and
a security guard during Shabbat services, rattling the city. The violence hit
especially hard for many of the museum’s benefactors, who are congregants
there. And it occurred as hate crime against Jews in New York continued to
rise, representing the majority of all such crimes in the city.
Those
already jolted by the Met’s decision to honor Galliano began to worry that the
exhibit would serve to normalize antisemitism inside one of New York’s most
hallowed spaces.
No longer
was the fashion discussion occurring in a vacuum, but in an increasingly tense
New York. As the days ticked by, city officials including Menin and City
Comptroller Mark Levine, were growing fed up with the Met leaders’ failure to
respond to their concerns. On Aug. 26, Menin wrote a letter of protest, on
official city stationery.
“Our
cultural institutions, particularly those that receive funding from the City of
New York, have a responsibility to demonstrate that hatred and bigotry carry
consequences,” Menin wrote to Wintour, Hollein and Bolton.
Two days
later, Tisch fired off a message of her own to Hollein. In it, she described
the plan for the exhibit as a “whitewash” of a “known” antisemite.
The
exhibition, she went on to say, “bespeaks a failure of governance as it seems
you are unduly influenced and directed by a corporate donor and commercial
enterprise, and mining it all for financial gain.”
When
Tisch didn’t hear back, she forwarded her email to people she knew on the
board: Samantha Boardman, Daniel Brodsky, Dasha Zhukova Niarchos, Blair Effron
— “anyone whose email address I happened to have,” she recalled.
(Board
members interviewed for this article spoke on the condition of anonymity,
because the museum’s leadership has been reprimanding trustees for sharing
their concerns with the news media.)
On
Friday, The Times published an article describing the intensifying backlash.
Social media lit up with more criticism. A sense of crisis took hold inside the
Met, even as the show’s key players were scattered around the globe — Hollein
in his native Austria, Bolton in Lake Como, Galliano in his Paris studio.
The Met
called an executive committee meeting for 8 a.m. on Monday, with a video
conference of the entire board scheduled for 4 p.m.
But
before they even met, Hollein, Bolton and Wintour agreed to a plan with
Galliano: He would say publicly that he had asked the museum to suspend plans
for the show.
At 8:45
a.m. Monday, he put out a statement on social media: “After much reflection and
discussion with all those involved, I have decided, with great sadness, that it
is best for the exhibition not to take place at this time,” he wrote.
“I do not
want the debate surrounding me to place the Met in a difficult position or
distract from the remarkable work of the Costume Institute,” he continued. “I
also recognize and respect that an exhibition honoring my work would be painful
for some.”
Almost
100,000 comments poured in, many praising Galliano and calling the outcome
unfair, others denouncing the Met and Wintour for abandoning the show.
Back in
New York, recriminations began. The afternoon meeting of the full Met board
took place as scheduled over Zoom. It began with board leadership scolding
members for talking to the news media, according to participants. When other
members asked why they had not been consulted early on, they were told that the
full board could not be included on every decision.
Hollein
spoke of Galliano’s talent and the Met’s decision-making process. Wintour, who
was also present on the video call, remained silent.
But that
day, Vogue published an article about the canceled exhibition. The story did
not detail the concerns about antisemitism, but it said the plan to honor
Galliano had been met with “mixed reactions.”
Quoted in
the article, Wintour praised Galliano as “the premiere couturier of his
generation.” She also described the show not as canceled, but only “postponed.”
Jacob
Bernstein reports on power and privilege for the Style section of The Times.
Vanessa
Friedman has been the fashion director and chief fashion critic for The Times
since 2014.
Dana
Rubinstein covers New York City politics and government for The Times.
Wednesday, 2 September 2026
Tuesday, 1 September 2026
A Gentleman's London, Episode Twelve: Purdey
James Purdey & Sons, or simply Purdey, is a
British gunmaker based in London, England specialising in high-end bespoke
sporting shotguns and rifles.[1][2] Purdey holds Royal Warrants of appointment
as gun and rifle makers to the British and other European royal families.
History
James Purdey & Sons Ltd. in Audley House on South
Audley Street, in London's Mayfair
Four-barreled pistol of Henry Pelham-Clinton, 4th Duke
of Newcastle made by James Purdey
James Purdey was born in Whitechapel in 1784, and
apprenticed to his brother-in-law, Thomas Keck Hutchinson. After completing his
training, he worked for both Joseph Manton and Rev. Alexander Forsyth, before
establishing his own company in London, England, in 1814, locating his business
on Princes Street, now Wardour Street, near Leicester Square.
In 1826, the company moved from Princes Street to
Manton's former premises at 314-315 Oxford
Street. Due to a conflict of numbering, the business used the address ‘314½
Oxford Street’ from 1827. Due to a conflict of numbering, the business
used the address ‘314½
Oxford Street’ from 1827.
The founder's son, James Purdey the Younger, took over
the company's running from his father in 1858. James the Younger saw rapid
change in the development and design of guns and rifles during his lifetime,
essentially moving from muzzle
loading flintlocks in the 1820s to breech loading hammerless ejectors by the 1890s.
James the Younger was always at the forefront of advances in designing and
building his guns and rifles and took out several patents for technical
innovations over the years. These included the famous ‘Purdey Bolts’ locking
system, and his concealed third bite. Both remain in production today, and may
other gunmakers also adopted these designs as well.
In 1878 James the Younger took two of his sons into
the business, renaming it James Purdey & Sons. In 1882, the company moved
from Oxford Street to new premises at 57-58 South Audley Street, on the corner
with Mount Street, where the company remains today. James the Younger designed
this building to accommodate his showroom and the factory, and later, the
building provided living quarters for James' family. The City of Westminster
unveiled a memorial
plaque on
the shop at 57-60 South Audley Street on 30 April 1992.
Purdey introduced their self-opening hammerless gun in
1880. Designed by Frederick Beesley, a former Purdey craftsman, his hammerless
self-opening mechanism uses one limb of a V-spring to operate the internal
hammers and the other to operate the self-opening feature. This action was
modified in 1888 through the incorporation of William Wem’s ejector design.
Apart from occasional refinement and the optional single trigger mechanism,
very little change has subsequently been made to the design of the side-by-side
gun.
In 1900, Athol Purdey took over from his father and
ran the business through the prosperous Edwardian years, as well as supervising
Purdey's manufacturing of sniper rifles and aerial gunnery sights for the War Office during World War I. Athol's sons, James and
Tom, both of whom had served in France, joined the firm in the 1920s.
Monday, 31 August 2026
Harry And Meghan’s Return Puts Pressure On William And Kate | Jack Royston /Anniversary of Diana’s death comes just days after Harry and Meghan’s return to UK
Anniversary
of Diana’s death comes just days after Harry and Meghan’s return to UK
The
anniversary comes weeks before Charles Spencer prepares to release his memoir
to counter ‘untruths’ about Diana
Sunday 30
August 2026 08:37 BST
https://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/home-news/prince-harry-dianna-death-anniversary-b3041699.html
File
photo dated 06/09/97 of (Left to right) Earl Spencer, Prince William, Prince
Harry and King Charles III, the then Prince of Wales, waiting as the hearse
carrying the coffin of Diana, Princess of Wales prepares to leave Westminster
Abbey following her funeral service. The 29th anniversary of Diana, Princess of
Wales’s death falls on Monday, just days after her youngest son the Duke of
Sussex returned home with his family to live in the UK. Issue date: Sunday
August 30, 2026. (PA)
Bottom of Form
Monday
marks 29 years since the death of Diana, Princess of Wales. The dat falls just
days after her youngest son the Duke of Sussex returned to live in the UK with
his family.
Six years
after the Megxit crisis, Harry and the Duchess of Sussex have relocated from
California with Prince Archie and Princess Lilibet.
During a
brief summer stay, Harry took both children, now enrolled in British schools,
to visit Diana’s resting place for the first time.
The
princess rests on a small island in the Round Oval Lake at Northamptonshire’s
Althorp estate, the Spencers ancestral home now cared for by her brother Earl
Spencer.
Next year
will mark the 30th anniversary of the princess’s sudden death following a car
crash in Paris.
Harry
revealed over the summer that he bakes a lemon drizzle cake annually to mark
the date as a "sweet" way to remember his mother.
Diana,
Princess of Wales, died in a Paris car crash in 1997 (John Stillwell/PA)
Diana –
the ex-wife of the now-King – was tragically killed on August 31 1997 when her
sons Princes Harry and William were just 12 and 15.
The
anniversary comes just three weeks before Charles Spencer prepares to release
his deeply personal memoir to counter “untruths” about her life.
Earl
Spencer, Prince William, Prince Harry and the then-Prince of Wales on the day
of Diana’s funeral (Fiona Hanson/PA)
His new
book Swan Song: Diana, My Sister is due out on September 22 and is set to
contain “many revelations that will draw considerable attention”, according to
its publisher.
The earl
famously delivered a passionate eulogy at her funeral, pledging the princess’
“blood family” would protect William and Harry “so that their souls are not
simply immersed by duty and tradition, but can sing openly as you planned”.
He said
of writing the memoir: “With the 30th anniversary of Diana’s tragic death on
the skyline, I’ve been inundated yet again with requests for interviews about
my sister.
“This has
convinced me to write down my own thoughts and memories, once and for all,
rather than having the discomfort of again reading the opinions of others, many
of which are based on untruths that have become accepted over time.”
Earl
Spencer delivers his eulogy at Diana’s funeral in Westminster Abbey (John
Stillwell/PA)
Daniel
Bunyard, publishing director at Penguin Random House UK, said: “While
these pages contain many revelations that will draw considerable attention,
readers will find, for the first time, but also for all time, a fitting tribute
to the beloved woman who was Princess Diana.”
Devoted
fans of the princess usually gather each year at the gates of her former London
home Kensington
Palace to leave flowers and other tributes.
In the
Palace’s Sunken Garden stands the bronze statue of Diana commissioned by the
now-Prince of Wales and Harry, and unveiled by the estranged brothers together
in 2021.
The
then-Duke of Cambridge and Duke of Sussex look at the statue they commissioned
of their mother in the Sunken Garden at Kensington Palace in 2021 (Dominic
Lipinski/PA)
The pair
put on a united front despite their rift to reveal the sculpture on what would
have been their mother’s 60th birthday.
Their
fallout stretches back to before Harry’s 2018 wedding to American-born former
Suits actress Meghan.
The duke
was apparently angered at what he perceived to be his brother’s “snobbish”
attitude towards his bride, after William questioned whether he should
rush into things.
William
and Harry speak to the crowd at Wembley Stadium during the Concert for Diana in
2007 (Stephen Hird/PA)
But their
relationship deteriorated further during Megxit and after Harry’s accusations
against William and other family members in his Oprah interview, Netflix
documentary and memoir Spare.
William
and the Princess of Wales have yet to comment on Harry and Meghan’s return.
In 2007,
William and Harry commemorated 10 years since their mother’s death together,
staging a pop concert at Wembley on what would have been her 46th birthday, and
an emotional memorial service in London on the actual anniversary.
William
leaves flowers as he and Harry look at tributes to Diana, Princess of Wales
attached to gates of Kensington Palace ahead of the 20th anniversary in 2017
The day
before the 20th anniversary in 2017, the siblings were side by side as they
viewed tributes left for the princess outside Kensington Palace.
The
brothers will be expected to mark this year’s anniversary separately, with a
reunion on the 30th anniversary looking, at this stage, unlikely.
14 Sep 2014: Top Portuguese academic decries 'filthy' English
Top Portuguese academic decries 'filthy' English A best-selling book penned by a Portuguese don has excoriated the English for being 'promiscuous, dirty and drunken'/ The Telegraph.
Top
Portuguese academic decries 'filthy' English
A
best-selling book penned by a Portuguese don has excoriated the English for
being 'promiscuous, dirty and drunken'
By
Gregory Walton
11:04AM
BST 14 Sep 2014 / http://www.telegraph.co.uk/education/universityeducation/11095057/PICS-PLEASE-Top-Portuguese-academic-decries-filthy-English.html
As a
love-letter to an adopted country goes, Portuguese academic João Magueijo's to
Britain is perhaps somewhat lacking in love.
The
Imperial College physics professor slams England for being one of the 'most
rotten societies in the world' in a 188 page diatribe in which he describes his
hosts as 'violent animals'.
The
dapper academic, 47, wrote Bifes Mal Pasados (Undercooked Beef) as a response
to what he describes as 'pathologically violent' English culture.
According
to Magueijo, the English are "always fighting. I never met such a group of
animals. English culture is pathologically violent. The English are
unrestrained wild beasts and are totally out of control."
The
controversial book, so far only published in Portuguese, is illustrated with a
photograph of a feckless looking toff in front of the Elizabeth Tower, complete
with bowler hat and pocket watch.
Magueijo
also takes umbrage with Britain's drinking culture.
"It
is not unusual to drink 12 pints, or two huge buckets of beer, per
person," he writes.
"Even
a horse would get drunk with this but in England it is standard practice.
"In
England real men have to drink like sponges, eat like skeletons and throw up
everything at the end of the evening."
The
Imperial scientist, does not just reserve his ire for Britain's young men.
Magueijo
relates an episode from his time as a don at the University of Cambridge in
which a female student vomited during a formal dinner and continued eating,
drinking and 'shouting nonsense as if nothing had happened'.
Students,
perhaps usurprisingly, are the focus of much of the Iberian's scorn.
The book,
which is dedicated to the Queen, goes on to chronicle his experiences of
students' halls.
"When
you visit English homes, or the toilets at schools or in student lodgings, they
are all so disgusting that even my grandmother's poultry cage is cleaner,"
he writes.
Responding
to suggestions of a backlash from his hosts, Magueijo said he is confident that
British people would be able to laugh off his criticisms.
"I
do not fear any backlash. I trust the British sense of humour," he said,
insisting to the Sunday Times that he loves British "tolerance, the
creativity, the madness of the people. I'd had so many awful experiences
attempting to have holidays in the UK that I thought they could serve as a good
narrative backbone, Fawlty Towers-style."
The book
has sold 20,000 copies - no mean feat in a country of just 10 million - but
there are no plans for an English edition.
|
Paramedics
look after a person at a temporary field hospital near London's Liverpool
Street Photo: AP |
Bestseller
reveals don’s life with ‘filthy’ English
Paulo
Anunciacao and David Harrison Published: 14 September 2014 /Sunday Times /
http://www.thesundaytimes.co.uk/sto/news/article1459179.ece
A BOOK
written by a Portuguese academic based in London that portrays the English as
“violent animals” and accuses them of being drunk, dirty and sexually
promiscuous has become an unlikely bestseller in his home country.
Joao
Magueijo, a physics professor at Imperial College London who spent seven years
as a fellow at Cambridge, writes that England has “one of the most rotten
societies in Europe, possibly the world”.
In Bifes
Mal Passados (Undercooked Beef), written in Portuguese, Magueijo, 47, ridicules
English life from eating habits to personal hygiene and sexual behaviour.
The
English are “always fighting”, he writes, in one of many generalisations. “I
never met such a group of animals. English culture is pathologically violent.
The English are unrestrained wild beasts and totally out of control.”
Sunday, 30 August 2026
The Teddy Boys: Britain's First Teenage Gang
The Teddy
Boys or Teds were a mainly British youth subculture originating in the early
1950s to mid-1960s and then revived in the 1970s who were interested in rock
and roll and R&B music, wearing clothes partly inspired by the styles worn
by dandies in the Edwardian period, which Savile Row tailors had attempted to
reintroduce in Britain after the Second World War.
A mainly
British phenomenon, the Teddy Boy subculture started among teenagers in London
in the early 1950s, and rapidly spread across the UK, becoming strongly
associated with American rock and roll music. After World War II, male youths
in delinquent gangs who had adopted Edwardian-era fashion were sometimes known
as Cosh Boys, or Edwardians. The name Teddy Boy came into official use when a
23 September 1953 Daily Express newspaper article shortened Edwardian to Teddy
(which can be a diminutive form of either Edward or Theodore) The term had
previously been used in Edwardian Britain to refer to members of the
Territorial Army (see for example The Swoop! written by P. G. Wodehouse in
1909). This was a reference to the king, Edward VII, in whose service they
were.
In
post-war Britain, rationing continued to affect the fashion industry until it
ended in 1949 and men's tailors in central London devised a style based on
Edwardian clothing hoping to sell to young officers being demobilized from the
services. However, the style—featuring tapered trousers, long jackets similar
to post-war American zoot suits, and fancy waistcoats—was not popular with its
target market, leaving tailors with piles of unsold clothing which, to recoup
losses, were sold cheaply to menswear shops elsewhere in London. While there had been some affluent
adoption—"an extravagant upper-class snub to the post-war Labour
Government and its message of austerity"—it was predominantly suburban
working-class youth who adopted and adapted the look ("spiv" and cosh
boy associations also hastened its middle-class rejection) and, around 1952,
what became the "Teddy Boy" style began to emerge, gradually
spreading across Britain. The 1953 film Cosh Boy (US: The Slasher), written by
Lewis Gilbert and Vernon Harris, makes an early reference to the style when the
character, Roy (James Kenny), speaks the words "[it's a] drape...the
latest cut".
Although
there had been youth groups with their own dress codes called scuttlers in
19th-century Liverpool and Manchester,[8] Teddy Boys were the first youth group
in Britain to differentiate themselves as teenagers, helping create a youth
market. The 1955 US film Blackboard Jungle marked a watershed in the United
Kingdom. When shown in an Elephant and Castle cinema, south London in 1956, the
teenage Teddy Boy audience began to riot, tearing up seats and dancing in the
cinema's aisles.[9] After that, other riots took place around the country where
the film was shown.
Some Teds
formed gangs and gained notoriety following violent clashes with rival youth
gangs as well as unprovoked attacks on immigrants. The most notable clashes
were the 1958 Notting Hill race riots, in which Teddy Boys were present in
large numbers and were implicated in attacks on the Caribbean community.
According to reports released decades after the riots, "Teddy Boys armed
with iron bars, butcher's knives and weighted leather belts" participated
in mobs "300- to 400-strong" that targeted black residents, in one
night alone leaving "five black men lying unconscious on the pavements of
Notting Hill."Teds were also implicated in the
clashes of the 1958 St Ann's riots in Nottingham.
The
violent lifestyle was sensationalised in the pulp novel Teddy Boy by Ernest
Ryman, first published in the UK in 1958.
Style
Teddy Boy
clothing included drape jackets reminiscent of 1940s American zoot suits worn
by members of Italian-American, Chicano and African-American communities (such
as Cab Calloway or Louis Jordan), usually in dark shades, sometimes with a
velvet trim collar and pocket flaps, and high-waist "drainpipe"
trousers, often exposing the socks. The outfit also included a high-necked
loose-collared white shirt (known as a Mr. B. collar, because it was often worn
by jazz musician Billy Eckstine); a narrow "Slim Jim" tie or western
bolo tie, and a brocade waistcoat. The clothes were mostly tailor-made at great
expense, and paid through weekly installments.
Favoured
footwear included highly polished Oxfords, chunky brogues, and crepe-soled
shoes, often suede (known as brothel creepers or beetle crushers). Preferred
hairstyles included long, strongly moulded greased-up hair with a quiff at the
front and the side combed back to form a duck's arse at the rear. Another style
was the "Boston", in which the hair was greased straight back and cut
square across at the nape.
Teddy
Girls
Teddy
Girls (also called Judies) wore drape jackets, pencil skirts, hobble skirts,
long plaits, rolled-up jeans, flat shoes, tailored jackets with velvet collars,
straw boater hats, cameo brooches, espadrilles, coolie hats and long, elegant
clutch bags. Later, they adopted the American fashions of toreador trousers,
voluminous circle skirts, and hair in ponytails.
The Teddy
Girls' clothing choices were not strictly for aesthetic effect; the girls were
collectively rejecting post-war austerity. They were young working-class women
from the poorer districts of London who would typically leave school at the age
of 14 or 15 to work in factories or offices. Teddy Girls spent much of their free
time buying or making their trademark clothes. Their style originated from a
head-turning, fastidious style from the fashion houses, which had launched
haute-couture clothing lines recalling the Edwardian era. "It was our
fashion and we made it up," declared one "Judie", succinctly
writing the mantra of the Teddy Girl ethos.
The style
was documented by Ken Russell in a June 1955 series of Picture Post photographs
titled "Teddy Girls". Russell noted that the female counterpart of
the Teddy Boy subculture was overlooked, saying: "No one paid much
attention to the teddy girls before I did them, though there was plenty on
teddy boys."
Music and
dancing
Although
Teddy Boys became associated with rock and roll music, prior to the advent of
that genre, Teddy Boys also listened and danced to jump blues, R&B, jazz
and skiffle music. A well-known dance that the Teddy Boys adopted was The Creep,
a slow shuffle that was so popular with Teddy Boys that it led to their other
nickname, Creepers. The song "The Creep" came out in 1953 and was
written and recorded for HMV by Yorkshire-born big band leader and saxophonist
Ken Mackintosh. Although this was not a rock and roll record, it was widely
taken on by the Teddy Boys of the time. From 1955, rock and roll was adopted by the
Teddy Boys when the film Blackboard Jungle was first shown in UK cinemas, and
Teddy Boys started listening to artists including Elvis Presley, Bill Haley and
Eddie Cochran.
Although
not as big as the Americans, British rock and roll artists such as Tommy
Steele, Marty Wilde, Cliff Richard, Dickie Pride, and Joe Brown became popular
with the Teddy Boy culture, as did the Merseybeat scene in the early 60s. The
Beatles' George Harrison and John Lennon emulated the Teddy Boy style in the
early formation of the band. Original British rock stars such as Billy Fury
also moved to the latest of rock and roll, such as beat music during the early
1960s.
Revivals
Following
The London Rock and Roll Show held at Wembley Stadium in August 1972 (featuring
American performers including Little Richard, Jerry Lee Lewis, Chuck Berry, and
Bill Haley, plus UK-based support acts), the music enjoyed a renewed period of
popularity. Musical momentum was maintained by the release of films such as
American Graffiti and That'll Be the Day (both 1973) and glam rock reworkings
by bands such as Wizzard, The Glitter Band, Mud and Showaddywaddy topping the
pop charts from 1973.
Concurrently,
a resurgence of interest in Teddy Boy fashions was promoted by Vivienne
Westwood and Malcolm McLaren through their shop Let it Rock, on London's King's
Road. The new generation of Teds adopted some aspects of the 1950s but with a
large glam rock influence, including louder colours for drape jackets, brothel
creepers, and socks and shiny satin shirts worn with bootlace ties, jeans and
big-buckled belts. The 1970s Teddy Boys often sported flamboyant pompadour
hairstyles in addition to long sideburns, and they added hairspray to
grease/pomade to style their hair. In the late 1970s, the new generation became
the enemies of the Westwood and Sex Pistols-inspired punks. In the spring of
1977, street battles between young punks and teds happened on London's King's
Road, where the earliest new-wave shops, including Westwood and McLaren's Sex
(which were by then no longer selling zoot suits and ted gear), were situated.
In the
late 1980s, there was a move by a number of Teddy Boys to revive the 1950s
Teddy Boy style. In the early 1990s, a group of Teddy Boy revivalists in the
Tottenham area of north London formed "The Edwardian Drape Society"
(T.E.D.S.). The group concentrated on reclaiming the style which they felt had
become bastardised by pop/glam rock bands such as Showaddywaddy and Mud in the
1970s.
Saturday, 29 August 2026
Thursday, 27 August 2026
Wednesday, 26 August 2026
Sporting Gentlemen: Men’s Tennis from the Age of Honor to the Cult of the Superstar is a 1995 book by distinguished sociologist E. Digby Baltzell that explores the history and social ethos of men's lawn tennis.
![]() |
Sociologist
and historian E. Digby Baltzell |
Sporting
Gentlemen
by E.
Digby Baltzell (Author) Format:
Paperback
Tennis is
a high-stakes game, played by prodigies identified early and coached by
professionals in hopes of high rankings and endorsements. This commercial world
is far removed from the origins of the sport. Before 1968―when Wimbledon
invited professional players to compete for the first time―tennis was part of a
sportsmanship tradition that emphasized character over money. It produced
well-rounded gentlemen who expressed a code of honor, not commerce.
In this
authoritative and affectionate history of men's tennis, distinguished
sociologist E. Digby Baltzell recovers the glory of the age. From its
aristocratic origins in the late ninteenth century, to the Tilden years, and
through a succession of newcomers, the amateur era and its virtues survived a
century of democratization and conflict. Sporting Gentlemen examines the
greatest players and matches in the history of tennis. Baltzell explores the
tennis code of honor and its roots in the cricket code of the
late-nineteenth-century Anglo-American upper class.
This code
of honor remained in spite of the later democratization of tennis. Thus, the
court manners of the Renshaw twins and Doherty brothers at the Old Wimbledon
were upheld to the letter by Don Budge and Jack Kramer as well as Rod Laver,
John Newcombe, and Arthur Ashe. Baltzell's final chapter on the Open Era is a
blistering attack on the decline of honor and the obliteration of class
distinctions, leaving only those based on money. For all who love the game of
tennis, Sporting Gentlemen is both fascinating history and a badly needed
analysis of what has made the sport great.
Sporting
Gentlemen: Men’s Tennis from the Age of Honor to the Cult of the Superstar is a 1995 book by distinguished
sociologist E. Digby Baltzell that explores the history and social ethos of
men's lawn tennis.
Core
Themes and Overview
- The Code of Honor: Baltzell traces the roots of
tennis etiquette back to the gentlemanly cricket code of the
late-19th-century Anglo-American upper class.
- Amateur Era: The book highlights how
traditional court manners survived through generations of players, from
early figures like the Renshaw twins and Doherty brothers to later greats
like Don Budge, Jack Kramer, Rod Laver, and Arthur Ashe.
- The Open Era Critique: The final chapter delivers a
critical look at modern professional tennis, arguing that
commercialization and the "cult of the superstar" replaced
traditional values with monetary class distinctions.
As described
on Amazon, “Baltzell's final chapter on the Open Era is a
blistering attack on the decline of honor and the obliteration of class
distinctions, leaving only those based on money.”
Barbarians
on the Court
By
Stephen G. Smith
July 9,
1995
Barbarians
on the Court
https://www.nytimes.com/1995/07/09/books/barbarians-on-the-court.html?eafs_enabled=false
July 9,
1995, Section 7, Page 11Buy Reprints
This is a
digitized version of an article from The Times’s print archive, before the
start of online publication in 1996. To preserve these articles as they
originally appeared, The Times does not alter, edit or update them.
IN late
August 1881, 25 gentlemen traveled to Rhode Island to compete in the first
official lawn tennis championship of the United States. It was played at the
Newport Casino, a graceful tennis complex designed by Stanford White, on
Bellevue Avenue, the main strand of high society's summer capital. The players,
mostly undergraduates at Harvard, Yale, Princeton and Penn, wore trousers or
knickers and long-sleeved shirts, with belts, hats and stockings bearing their
club colors. For the next three decades, E. Digby Baltzell writes in
"Sporting Gentlemen," the cricket-club aristocracy dominated the
championships much as television does today. Play was limited to the morning
hours so as not to interfere with other leisure activities; crowds were kept to
3,000, with the best seats reserved for Mrs. Astor's 400 and old-line families
from Philadelphia and Boston.
But
tennis was quickly outgrowing the cozy and complacent confines of exclusive
clubs along the Eastern Seaboard and in England. By 1914, the talk of tennis
was the Davis Cup, which was being contested by six nations. In what turned out
to be a pivotal moment in the history of the game, the challenge round was
played at Forest Hills, the new home of the West Side Tennis Club in New York.
On the final day of the match between the United States and Australia, the
stadium was packed with more than 12,000 cheering spectators. Their boisterous
enthusiasm turned to pandemonium when Norman Brookes of Australia dropped his
racquet and stuck a finger in each ear. Bottles were thrown from the stands and
fans spilled onto the court, with policemen in pursuit. Tennis had been
emphatically democratized. The next year the United States championships were
moved from Newport to Forest Hills, and the game began an evolution that would
culminate, in 1968, in the opening of the major tournaments to professionals.
Mr.
Baltzell and Peter Bodo both view the changes with regret. In "The Courts
of Babylon," Mr. Bodo, a senior writer at Tennis magazine, finds that a
"new barbarism" has taken hold of the tour, reducing players from
"gentlemen to jerks." Mr. Baltzell, an emeritus professor of history
and sociology at the University of Pennsylvania and a well-known chronicler of
the WASP aristocracy, longs for the dreamy days when players used wooden
racquets, hit white balls and behaved like gentlemen. In his new work of
"historical sociology," he sees the ruination of tennis as a
portentous social metaphor. "As I write, in our increasingly classless and
bureaucratic world, the gentleman's descendants in America and England have
abdicated authority, not only over their wives and children but also over their
nations and the world," he declares.
Mr. Bodo
has obviously spent a good deal of time talking with Mr. Baltzell and calls him
"the single most important influence on my interpretation of the
game." But where the professor brims with intellectual confidence, the
journalist is somewhat self-conscious about his pronouncements. "An
opinion can be a terrible thing to have," Mr. Bodo writes at the end of
his author's note. He spends the rest of the book testing this proposition,
with a resulting mixture of genuine insight and inadvertent hilarity. As he
writes of Mr. Baltzell: "The sociology of the professional game comes to
life like a 3-D comic book when you look through his magic glasses."
When Mr.
Bodo puts on the magic glasses of sociology himself, he tends to go completely
over the top. "New York is full of flesh-eaters," he writes.
"It's a thumbs-up, thumbs-down kind of town. Start spreading the news, but
watch your back. The dude's got a Glock." Or: "Show me a true
Parisian, and I'll show you a man whose veins are clogged with cholesterol
sludge and whose heart harbors a secret passion for the accordion. I'll show
you a woman who's got a little thing for Rodney Dangerfield. Don't ask why,
c'est la vie." Mr. Bodo becomes even more expansive when he strays into
psychology. He strolls telepathically through the mind of Gloria Connors as she
watches her son Jimmy play: "Perhaps she was entranced by Jimbo's status
as an Oedipal avenger come to life, a raging, mother-loving, foulmouthed son
who unabashedly, even gleefully, fondled himself like an infant in front of his
mother." Hunter S. Thompson never strung his racquet any tighter than
Peter Bodo.
Mr. Bodo
draws freely on the two decades he has spent covering tennis, and he is at his
best when analyzing styles of play or relating an anecdote that never made it
into the newspapers. He produces a haunting portrait of Bjorn Borg after
conducting a routine interview at the Roosevelt Hotel in Manhattan in 1978. The
blinds in the lavish suite were drawn tight; the coffee table was littered with
half-eaten fruit and dirty dishes; Borg was wearing a track suit that looked
slept in; his face was unwashed and his hair hung in oily strands. On impulse
Mr. Bodo asked the champion what he thought of Howard Hughes. "I don't
know him," Borg replied. "He has a lot of money, huh? Anyway, he
seems like a nice guy."
Having
watched thousands of matches, Mr. Bodo writes not just with an expert's eye but
with a finely tuned ear, as in this observation on John McEnroe and Ivan Lendl:
"If you closed your eyes during a match between McEnroe and Lendl, it was
easy to tell which man occupied either side of the court. McEnroe's footfalls
were as silent as those of a cat, while Lendl made an astonishing amount of
noise -- as if he were moving furniture."
Sizing up
Chris Evert's success, Mr. Bodo makes clear that her metronomic stroking and
"Ice Maiden" demeanor were only partly responsible. A key ingredient
was her unique sense of where she was and where she had to be: "She sure
made the court look small." Steffi Graf's "big secret," Mr. Bodo
writes, "was that she couldn't play tennis," at least not in the
technical sense. But her superior athletic ability and raw power more than
compensated for a bad hitch in her serving motion and a defensive underspin backhand
-- until the arrival of Monica Seles, "who used two hands off both wings
to hit remarkably flat, hard, accurate strokes." Rivals hoped that
"as Seles matured she would develop wide hips, substantial thighs and
enough height and bulk to cause her problems." Instead, she grew to a
well-proportioned 5 foot 9 and reeled off seven victories in ten Grand Slams
between 1990 and April 1993, when she was stabbed in the back by a deranged fan
wielding a nine-inch-long boning knife. The psychological damage caused by the
attack has kept her off the court -- and prevented her from becoming what many
experts thought she would be, the greatest woman player ever.
MR. BODO
loses his way when he writes about the lives of women players off the tennis
court. He asserts that the "degeneration and corruption" of the
women's tour "has been the most underreported story in tennis in our
time," and he sets out to rectify this oversight with three chapters
irritatingly titled "The Gals of Babylon." He writes: " 'Now' is
a crisis point in women's pro tennis, and now is about stabbings, child abuse,
teen-age drug abuse and a shocking rate of attrition." On no fewer than
three occasions he says that many or most of the top women players are
lesbians. His proofs are few and far between. Andrea Jaeger serves as a flimsy
buttress for several of his sensational assertions: she was a teen-age wonder
who flamed out early; she "took to carrying a switchblade" ("I
didn't even mind," Mr. Bodo says. "Shoot, I was 18 once, too");
and she was supposedly encouraged by her fellow players to embark on a lesbian
relationship. Mr. Bodo recounts the familiar story of Jennifer Capriati's sad
decline and drug bust. And he does the standard recitation of Martina
Navratilova's lesbian lovers. (News flash: Judy Nelson demanded visitation
privileges with Navratilova's dogs after the two women split up.) Mr. Bodo's
sense of outrage is unconvincing until he comes to the subject of "tennis
dads." These sorry creatures, many of them failed athletes, strut in the
reflected glory of their teen-age daughters and often sponge off them as well.
They can be aggressively exploitative (Stefano Capriati), feckless (Peter Graf)
or abusive and potentially dangerous (Jim Pierce).
MR. BODO
and Mr. Baltzell agree that most of the problems in tennis today can be traced
to the amount of money sloshing around the game. Winning a singles title at
Wimbledon is worth more than $500,000 -- which, Mr. Bodo reports, is roughly
what Pete Sampras was guaranteed for merely showing up at a tournament in
oil-rich Qatar, where he promptly lost his first-round match to somebody named
Kareem Alami. In financial terms, playing tennis is something players do to get
endorsements. As Mr. Bodo points out, Andre Agassi was earning $1 million a
month in endorsements before he ever won a Grand Slam event. Small wonder,
then, that players sign "patch deals" that make them look, in Mr.
Bodo's words, like "a stock car plastered with sponsor logos."
Whatever
remained of the amateur ideal disappeared on Aug. 30, 1979, in a match at
Flushing Meadow, a venue that could be mistaken, Mr. Bodo writes, "for a
coal-fired hydroelectric facility somewhere in the Ukraine." The contest
pitted John McEnroe, who at the age of 20 had not yet won a Grand Slam, against
the 36-year-old Ilie Nastase. As his coach once said, "Ilie doesn't have a
brain, he has a bird flying around inside his head," and on this night the
bird was more agitated than usual. Egged on by 10,000 beery fans, the players
screamed expletives at each other and at the umpire. Nastase was penalized a
point, then a game, for protesting calls for minutes at a time; ordered to
serve, he simply stood at the base line, prompting the umpire to disqualify him.
Amid flying trash and catcalls, the tournament director, William F. Talbert,
removed the umpire and ordered play to resume; McEnroe then defeated the
distracted Nastase for the second time.
The
lessons of "the Thursday night massacre" were not lost on McEnroe.
"I'll be the first to admit that I did play the system," he told Mr.
Bodo. "I manipulated it more than some people realized. . . . In most
cases I was fully aware of what I was doing on the court during an outburst,
and I knew how I was -- or wasn't -- going to have to pay a price for it."
The ruling bodies in tennis ought to heed McEnroe's simple advice:
"Really, tennis should be more like baseball. If you go too far, you
should get thrown out. And if you really go nuts, you should get
suspended."
Reading
Mr. Baltzell's book is like eavesdropping on a couple of Old Grotonians as they
polish off a bottle of port at their club. "But who, I should like to ask,
is to say that class snobbery is any worse than classless snobbery?" he
writes. "For snobs are often the product of leveling upward and confident
ages, while reverse snobbery or slipshod snobbery (in dress, manners, grammar,
professional pride and craftsmanship in general) are insidious social diseases
of leveling downward and despairing ages such as our own." Mr. Baltzell is
also a scholarly cat who keeps getting caught in family trees. For example, the
lineage of Richard D. Sears, winner of the first American title in 1881, is
traced all the way back to Richard (the Pilgrim) Sears, who settled on Cape Cod
in 1637.
While Mr.
Baltzell may be an unabashed snob, he is by no means a bigot. He comes down
hard on well-born WASP's for their frequent anti-Semitism and racism, and
correctly notes that these prejudices contributed to the decline of upper-class
authority after World War II. He realizes that gentlemen are of all colors and
creeds, as he demonstrates when writing about Arthur Ashe. "In the
increasingly uncivil quarter-century between his victory at Forest Hills, in
1968, and his tragic death, in 1993," Mr. Baltzell says, "the moral
life of Arthur Ashe has constantly renewed my faith in the staying power of the
gentlemanly ideal."
Bill
Tilden presents a quandary for Mr. Baltzell. On the one hand, he came from
"pure English stock" (breeding is mentioned so often that
"Sporting Gentlemen" sometimes reads like a program for the
Westminster Kennel Club show); he was educated at good schools (Germantown
Academy and Penn); he was a devotee of the arts, especially music; and, most
important, he was "the last cricket-club-bred gentleman to win our
National Tennis Championship" (a point made three times). On the other
hand, Tilden engaged in "blatant showmanship, occasional outrageous
tantrums, unreasonable arrogance, and quarrelsome and intimidating behavior
towards linesmen and tennis officialdom in general"; he was also twice
convicted and sent to prison for molesting young boys. So much for the good old
days; as Mr. Baltzell concludes, "the gentleman and the genius were always
at war" in the person of Big Bill Tilden.
TENNIS
missed a great opportunity in 1933, Mr. Baltzell believes, when the United
States Lawn Tennis Association was denied its petition to hold an open
tournament at the Germantown Cricket Club in Philadelphia. "Like golf,
tennis today might have still been a class game," he writes, "held in
classy surroundings like the Merion or Germantown cricket clubs rather than in
such tasteless surroundings as the Philadelphia Spectrum, the Cow Palace in San
Francisco or vulgar Flushing Meadow." Mr. Baltzell insists, improbably,
that it's not too late: "The American tennis establishment must
concentrate on remaking tennis into an elite and quality game by increasing the
quality of the audience by decreasing the stadium size and the money
take."
A better
bet to straighten out tennis, or at least its prima donnas, might be Steve
Denton, a touring pro from Texas who, in Mr. Bodo's words, "took it upon
himself to be a one-man jerk patrol." He grabbed one jerk by the throat
after a match and threatened another with a licking if he came into the locker
room (the player went to his hotel without showering or changing). The
Association of Tennis Professionals gave Denton its Sportsmanship Award for
1982. In this day and age, that's a bigger victory than a Grand Slam.







